LTStraipsnyje siekiama atskleisti, kaip grįžusieji iš migracijos interpretuoja savo sukauptų žinių, patirties, idėjų perdavimą Lietuvoje. Tam pasitelkiama socialinių perlaidų koncepcija aptariant normines struktūras ir praktikos sistemas bei tai, kaip grįžusieji įvardija santykį su kilmės šalies aplinka. Pagrindiniai straipsnio tikslai – aptarti, kokios dažniausiai iš migracijos parvežamos sukauptos idėjos ir patirtys socialinių perlaidų forma, kokiu būdu bei kam jos dažniausiai perduodamos, t. y. kas, kaip ir kam perduodama. Raktiniai žodžiai: socialinės perlaidos, grįžusieji migrantai, socialinis pokytis, migracinė patirtis, patirčių perkėlimas. [Iš leidinio]
ENMigration processes are an integral phenomenon of modern society. Migration patterns and their impact on the economy, and the social cohesion of the sending and receiving societies, are widely discussed. Encouraging the return of Lithuanian migrants, as well as migrant network building across Lithuanian diaspora communities, is one of the main goals of migration policy in Lithuania, (e.g. the ‘Global Lithuania’ programme created in 2011). The fact that the issue is relevant was also reflected in 2018, with the invitation by the government of Lithuania to provide ideas on solving Lithuania’s demographic challenges, which are described as acute, and the demographic situation as difficult. The article aims to show how returnees interpret the transfer of their accumulated knowledge, experience and ideas through the migration experience, using the concept of social remittances. The aims are to examine the attitudes of returning migrants towards the skills and ideas they acquired abroad, the categories of social remittance ideas that are most often conveyed, and how and to whom they are most commonly passed on. The notion of social remittances has gained a central position, discursively at least, in the literature on the effects of migration on sending societies (Boccagni, Decimo 2013). This article is an attempt to explore in more detail the mechanisms of social remittance practices among returnees in Lithuania from countries such as Great Britain, the USA and Australia. The fieldwork was based on the ‘key informants’ technique (Tremblay 1957, cited from Bernard 2011), and four key informants participated in the study. Additionally, semi-structural interviews were conducted with another 12 informants (two with each informant) for the study.The very concept of social remittances was introduced by Levitt to define the dissemination of ideas, values, beliefs, norms of behaviour, aspirations, practices and social capital. Levitt divided them into three areas (Levitt 1998; 2001; 2006; 2007; 2009), and later revised them (Levitt, Lamba-Nieves 2011): (1) relating to the social environment, social trust; (2) relating to the concept of the family model, and relationships in the family; (3) relating to the approach to work, the pursuit of results, the performance of quality work. Social remittances are in a constant process of negotiation between individuals and those around them, between personal, family and workplace responsibilities. Their significance and transfer is dependent on tensions between material needs, livelihoods and cultural conventions, and individual moral narratives for a better life and anticipated change in the social and cultural environment. An essential aspect of social remittances and the pace of their dissemination is that they are strongly influenced by the migrant’s relationship and attitude towards his or her country of origin before he or she leaves. The role of the transferor himself is particularly significant, and the position chosen will determine how smoothly the transfer of social remittances takes place. The study identifies three main types of social remittances determined by returnees: (1) relating to the social environment, social trust; (2) associated with the concept of the family model, and relationships in the family; (3) referring to the approach to work, the pursuit of results, and the performance of quality work. The transfer of social remittances takes place more rarely in a public space. Most returnees transfer social remittances through co-workers, colleagues and managers; the transfer of experiences also takes place among family and friends.In many cases, the change and acquisition of new skills, ideas and practices have been shaped not only by migration but also by mobility in their life trajectories. Very often, individuals emigrated when they were young, after studying or while still studying, or when starting their career. Hence, their departure from the sending country and their entry into the labour market coincided with a crucial stage in their development. Besides, this process strengthened their awareness of their role and ability to shape their lives according to their desires. Therefore, change among informants was not seen as a passive way of ‘doing things’ in a new way, but an active response and implementation of what requires selfexpression and self-awareness, where the individual factor is vital. When discussing social remittances, it appears that returnees provide signs of innovation in such experiences (Rogers 2003). Social transfer can be used as a comparative advantage when what is (brought in) new should be perceived as a better idea or object than the practice it replaces. The process of social remittances can be planned or spread spontaneously. However, in the work environment, especially when starting a new career path at home, individuals tend to plan how and which ideas and practices they desire to transfer in the form of social remittances. Key words: social remittances, returnees, social change, migrational experience, transfer process. [From the publication]