Kultūrinio tapatumo gairės. Simboliniai veiksmai vestuvėse

LTŠios studijos tikslas - atskleisti kultūrinio tapatumo raiškos bruožus Dzūkijos ir Suvalkijos regionuose XX a. 9 dešimtmetyje - XXI a. pradžioje. Lygindama naudojuosi minėtais mano atliktais Aukštaitijos ir XIX a. pabaigos - XX a. pirmos pusės Lietuvos vestuvių kartografiniais tyrimais, remiuosi ir kartografiniais Lenkijos vestuvių duomenimis, tačiau išleisti du "Lenkų etnografinio atlaso komentarų" tomai, skirti apeigoms ir papročiams, atliekamiems iki vestuvių2. Suvalkijos ir Dzūkijos vestuvių tyrimui irgi keliami uždaviniai nustatyti vestuvių simbolinių veiksmų naujoviškumui (jo savitumui ir plitimui), interpretacijoms ir arealinėms koreliacijoms. [Iš teksto, p. 112]Reikšminiai žodžiai: Vedybos; Vestuvės; Papročiai; Tradicijos; Simboliai; Apeigos; Kultūrinis tapatumas; Tyrimai; Dzūkija; Suvalkija; Marriage; Weddings; Customs; Traditions; Symbols; Rituals; Cultural identity; Research; Dzūkija; Suvalkija; Lithuania.

ENCultural similarities may be revealed through the analysis of symbols, actions and perceptions of their meaning as used by individuals in their life since they indicate cultural landmarks of the individual. A survey of various subjects indicates that in the most general sense symbols are images, words and behaviours with multi-level meanings. Furthermore, symbols are the language of religion, magic and expression culture (Womack 2005: 1). Multifaceted meanings of symbols are disclosed by a certain method of enquiry and the context under the survey. The aim of the present study is to reveal features of expressing cultural identity in the region of Dzūkija and Suvalkija from the 1990s to the early twenty-first century by analyzing symbolic actions and symbols used for rituals at a wedding. Individual symbolic actions of weddings show which of them were inherited from the past culture and which of them are actualities of the new culture. Symbols or symbolic actions applied in a new manner often intensify meanings of the symbol. Therefore, certain tasks are set: to establish innovation of wedding symbols (its uniqueness and spread), interpretations and area-based correlations. The key source of the study is the field material accumulated over 2006-2007. It was collected based on the questionnaire 'Wedding Symbols' I had developed for that purpose focusing on pcrformance/non-pcrformance of symbolic actions, application/non-application of various symbols without documenting the course of a wedding or a story about a wedding. The fact that most of the respondents highly positively viewed and observed wedding rituals allows us to claim that a wedding is not a festive occasion reserved strictly for the family members. Such claim is supported by the nature of arranging a wedding.The research into the weddings held from the 1990s to the early twentyfirst century indicates that the majority of respondents in Dzūkija and Suvalkija positively viewed and observed wedding rituals. They mostly arranged large or mediumsized wedding parties indicating that such events were not a close family festivals but rather broader events for the whole extended family and community. In the 1990s confessional aspects of the identity emerged. It is likely that the civic sense observed in the earlier wedding research of Merkinė districts, Aukštaitija region of the 1970s was typical of other localities of Dzūkija and Suvalkija as well. Symbolic actions at a wedding in the present study are divided into two main groups: contact-based and statusgiving actions. Contact-based actions are performed by those who participate in a wedding, sometimes those, who are nearby. By their actions PULKAI (companies) of the bride and the groom as well as other wedding participants establish and form new relations: get acquainted, show respect or consideration for each other, one company releasing, the other accepting into their space, etc. Statusgiving actions symbolize the altered states of the young couple: they pass from the youth to a group of married adults, are attributed new responsibilities, etc. Similarly to the study of Aukštaitija, contact-based symbolic actions in the two regions in question exhibit features of flattery to each other (which is prevailing in Dzūkija) rather than competition. Suvalkija has preserved symbolic actions of 'deception' (Map 8). A principle of equality is observed in status-giving symbolic actions concerning the bride and the groom and both of their PULKAI (similarly to Aukštaitija). A comparison of the maps indicates three correlations of areas in Suvalkija and Dzūkija.The first correlation is that the young couple at first placed their applications for marriage registration at the Register Office and only then informed their parents of that decision (Map 1) and the majority oftheirweddings were conductedby matchmakers or matrons of honour (Map 15). Such actions may be linked based on their meaning: the initiative of the young couple is increasing whereas the role of matchmakers (PIRŠLIAI/ SVOTAI) is continued as a tradition. Thus, innovation and old traditions have been combined. The second correlation refers to unique symbolic actions of Suvalkija, rarely identified in other locations, for instance, bringing a fake bride (Map 5) and when the young couple leaves home for the ceremony they bid farewell to their parents in a simple manner, standing (Map 7). The third correlation reveals the focus on the female side and a custom to arrange full-scale weddings: a wedding party held on the bride's side (Map 4) correlates with a custom of keeping the bride's rue wreath (Map 13) and with a great number of tests when the young couple is welcomed home (Map 9). The fact that the wedding is held on the bride's side (a tradition) and that a custom of preserving the wreath has revived indicates that it is important to traditionally keep the symbol of one's youth as reminiscence or a source for strength. Tests as a new practice in the second half of the twentieth century became a tradition in the late twentieth century: both the bride and the groom were involved into rites of accepting them as hosts. The purpose was to test and try the young couple, to 'promote' their mutual successful life. Such symbolic actions are to be associated with the tradition of holding a large wedding. The study has shown that local areas in wedding customs were distinguished only in certain episodes. Thus it might be concluded that peculiarities of the cultural identity arc levelled. [From the publication]