Velykų šventės

LTKrikščionių liturgijoje paskutinė - septintoji - šiuolaikinės Gavėnios savaitė pradeda Didžiąją savaitę, kurios metu Didžiojo ketvirtadienio pamaldomis baigiasi Gavėnia, o toliau einantys Didysis penktadienis, Didysis šeštadienis ir Velykų sekmadienis sudaro Velykų švenčių Tridienį (Kajackas 1998:139). Taigi Didžioji savaitė su Kristaus prisikėlimo švente sudaro vientisą Velykų laiko ciklą. Pirmajame krikščionių bažnyčios susirinkime Nikėjoje 325 m. nustatyta viena Velykų šventimo diena Rytų ir Vakarų bažnyčiose - pirmasis sekmadienis po pavasario ekvinokcijos esant mėnulio pilnačiai. Todėl šiai šventei tenka data tarp kovo 22 ir balandžio 25 d. (Kajackas 1998: 127). Stačiatikiai Velykų datą nustato kaip ir katalikai, tik atsižvelgdami į žydų Velykų laiką. Jėzus Kristus pagal žydų kalendorių buvo nukryžiuotas per jų Velykas Nisano 14 ir prisikėlė po jų, todėl stačiatikiai švenčia po žydų, nes tai labiau, pasak jų, atitinka realią datą (Bricaitė 2014). Tai ir lemia, kad, laikydamiesi Julijaus kalendoriaus, stačiatikiai tik kas kelerius metus Velykas švenčia kartu su katalikais ar protestantais. Tiesa, kaip yra pastebėjusi Laima Laučkaitė, XX a. pr. vilnietiškose šventėse iki Pirmojo pasaulinio karo mieste skirtumo tarp katalikų ir stačiatikių nebūta, nes visi naudojosi tuo pačiu Julijaus kalendoriumi (Laučkaitė 2009: 135-136). Kitaip susiklostė po 1918 m., kai buvo grįžta prie Grigaliaus kalendoriaus ir katalikai su protestantais laiką ėmė skaičiuoti pagal skirtingą nei stačiatikiai sistemą. Katalikų ir stačiatikių Velykos XXI a. sutapo 2004, 2007 ir 2011, 2014 m. (Лозка 2002: 232). [Iš straipsnio, p. 146]Reikšminiai žodžiai: Kalendorinės šventės; Krikščioniškos šventės; Liturgija; Velykos; Tradicijos; Papročiai; Verbos; Velykinis maistas; Margučiai; Calendar holidays; Christian holidays; Liturgy; Easter; Traditions; Customs; Verbos; Palms; Easter food; Eggs; Lithuania.

ENIn the course of the research we sought to establish denominational and ethnic peculiarities of the Easter cycle and its customs in Vilnius. On the basis of the ethnographic field research in the city, and some published resources, we have explored the celebration of the EasterTriduum during Holy Week - Maundy Thursday, Good Friday and Holy Saturday, as well as the first and the second day of Easter, in the families of Lithuanians, Poles and Russians. During Holy Week one may observe religious activity in the families, albeit somewhat differing in accordance with the ethnic backgrounds of the respondents, if in the course of the EasterTriduum someone from the family mounts effort to participate in religious rituals. Cleaning the home is one of the Maundy Thursday customs coming from religious context. Similar tendencies can be observed looking at the data related to Good Friday as well. Good Friday is important for the liturgical period, since it is the day, dedicated to the observation of rituals concerning the death and burial of Christ, and keeping some strict requirements. One of the most important Christian topics on Good Friday is general sadness, emphasized by the deep tradition of strict fasting. This requirement of Good Friday is most meticulously observed by the Poles. In this case, the Lithuanians remain farther away from the paradigmatic meaning of this religious day. In the Catholic liturgy, the rituals of Holy Saturday are known for the consecration of water and fire. Consecrated water on Saturday is mostly brought home by the Catholics, and much less by the Orthodox. This water then is not only sprinkled to consecrate the Easter table, but also used for drinking. In modern urban culture the consecration of fire has only symbolic meaning, because the historical tradition of taking some fire home to light the stove today has neither practical nor ritual meaning.On the other hand, as we can see from the answers, albeit varying ones, on Holy Saturday the Poles tend to collect some burnt out charcoal for that very purpose and use it for the lighting of fires at their country homes or fireplaces at their dachas. The Orthodox, having lost the custom of consecrating the fire, are satisfied by consecrating a candle along with their food. In the families, Holy Saturday is dedicated to preparation of Easter meals and decoration of eggs. Specific dishes, characteristic only to the Poles and the Russians and bearing some ritualistic and symbolic meaning, are not plentiful, although their use is clearly oriented towards ethnic identity and amplification of such identity in the minds of the people. Such ritualistic Easter symbols for the Poles and the Russians have become the use of paska, kulichi, as well as consumption of some specific dairy and meat products, and the use of greenery and various traditional symbolic attributes in decorating the table. When decorating eggs, the red colour is mostly employed. Although in modern days various other colours and variegating is used, the application of red colour is still justified by some pious folk interpretations of biblical texts. The proximity of Slavic ritualistic behaviours, noted in the course of the research, is clearly revealed in the food consecration customs. Lithuanians in Vilnius also consecrate their Easter food, and this previously common in all of Lithuania ritual has survived to different extents among all nationalities of the research, which makes it possible to speak about the influence of Slavic religious culture among Vilnians. Two thirds of the interviewed Poles, and a little more than one-fifth of the Lithuanians, consecrate food during Saturday rituals. Lithuanians also bring food for consecration during Sunday morning Mass.The nomenclature and the place of the food consecration ritual is different among the researched nations. The Orthodox lean towards the ritual consecration of Easter food on Saturdays, on the specially placed tables inside the churches, yet Roman Catholics have it in the baskets, and either hold them or place them by the altar. Thus Easter food of various content and meaning, as well as customs related to the consecration thereof, in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries amplify a common tendency of religious culture among Vilnians. At the same time, more often Poles, and less so Russians, emphasize their national identity through various Easter symbols. A unifying feature of the researched nations is that the main keepers of the tradition in the family are members of older generations. When individuals of the younger generations provide answers in various cases of ritualistic behaviour, they testify not only to their knowledge in one or another situation of customs, but also to the family traditions, which can be viewed as the conductor in transferring traditions between generations. The way of communicating with family members and friends of colleagues is changing. Formation of a new tradition is noted, when on the first day of Easter people that are not part of the ritualistic Easter breakfast were greeted as well. In the city, games involving eggs are still played in the families. Giving eggs as gifts is the least common among Lithuanians, whereas the Poles and the Russians are widely presenting them as gifts to their family members and friends. However, for the Russians it’s the neighbours that are more important, whereas among the Poles eggs are also presented to guests. In a modern variation of this Easter custom, such greetings are common already on the day of Easter, along with some Easter entertainment. [From the publication]