Rašybos skirtumai surinkimininkų ir bažnytinėje raštijoje

Collection:
Mokslo publikacijos / Scientific publications
Document Type:
Knygos dalis / Part of the book
Language:
Lietuvių kalba / Lithuanian
Title:
Rašybos skirtumai surinkimininkų ir bažnytinėje raštijoje
Alternative Title:
Orthographic differences in conventicler and ecclesiastical texts
Summary / Abstract:

LTXIX amžiaus pradžioje Prūsijos Lietuvoje po XVIII amžiuje atliktos pradinio švietimo sistemos pertvarkos buvo pasiektas visuotinis lietuvių raštingumas, atpigo spauda, buvo panaikinti spaustuvių veiklos suvaržymai, plito surinkimininkų judėjimas. Tai lėmė, jog daugėjo pasauliečių iniciatyva rengiamos literatūros, kurios adresatas buvo pamaldus ūkininkas, žvejys ar amatininkas. XIX amžiaus pietistinio pobūdžio leidinių buvo rengiama vis daugiau, jie spausdinami naujai įsteigtose spaustuvėse. Šalia dvasininkų ir valdininkų vartotos tradicinės lietuvių ortografijos atsirado paprastesnė jos atmaina. Tradicinė ortografija, kuria detaliai žymėtos fonetinės, prozodinės ir kai kurios morfologinės kalbos ypatybės buvo patogi vokiečiams (o prasčiau mokantiems lietuviškai dvasininkams - net ir būtina), tačiau gimtakalbiams lietuviams tokio detalumo nereikėjo. Tyrimo tikslas - nustatyti surinkimininkų ir tradicinės raštijos ortografijos ypatybių santykį ir surinkimininkų ortografijos kaitą. Straipsnyje lyginamos dviejuose bažnytiniuose ir dviejuose surinkimininkų leidiniuose vartojamos rašybos ypatybės. [Iš straipsnio, p. 178]Reikšminiai žodžiai: 19 amžius; Bažnytiniai tekstai; Kalbos istorija; Literatūra; Ortografijos skirtybės; Rašybos skirtumai; Religiniai raštai; Rytų Prūsija [East Prussia]; Senieji raštai; Surinkimininkai; Surinkimininkų ir tradicinė raštija; Assemblers; Beginning of the 19th century; Conventicler versus ecclesiastical writings; East Prussia; Ecclesiastical texts; Language history; Literature; Old writing; Ortographic differences; Religious writings; Spelling differences.

ENAt the start of the 19th century, following state reforms of the primary school system in East Prussia, almost universal Lithuanian literacy was achieved, the press became cheaper, restrictions on the activities of printing houses were abolished, and the movement of conventiclers (Lith. surinkimininkai, also referred to as "covenanters" or "worshipers") became widespread. All of this contributed to the increase in secular initiatives to publish literature addressed to the devout farmer. Alongside the traditional Lithuanian orthography used by the clergy and officials, appeared a simpler version. This article compares the orthography of two ecclesiastical and two conventiclers' books. The ecclesiastical writings include the 1816 third edition of the Holy Bible and an official hymnal from 1832; the conventiclers' books are the anonymously translated fourth edition of Johann Arndt's 1864 "Šešios knygos apie tikrą krikščionumą" (Six Books of True Christianity), and Dovydas Plonius's 1826 compilation of sermons intended for home use titled "Mišių knygos" (Book of Masses). Earlier research has shown that the literature of worshipers differs from church writings mostly by ignoring diacritical marking of letters and by having several other minor orthographic features. This research examines the orthography of capital letters and the use of geminate consonants. These features in writing appeared because of the influence of German orthography: nouns were distinguished with capital letters, and consonants were doubled after short syllables. Other features of writing that are taken into consideration are the specific characteristics of Lithuanian orthography: marking of stressed syllables and morphological forms using four diacritical marks: acute accent, circumflex, grave, and ogonek symbols.The stressed syllable in the root of the word was most often marked with an acute above the , , on the ending the accent marked a morphological form regardless of where the stress fell (for example, gen. pi -û); or with an ogonek marking at the end of the word (for example, in the singular accusative), ogonek also appear in roots of words which once had a nasal resonance. In the 19th century, nasal vowels were no longer pronounced, so the writing of letters with ogonek symbols no longer had a phonetic basis and had become a feature of historical orthography. Consistently writing nouns with capital letters came into practice already at the start of the 18th century. The majority of 18th century writers approved of such orthography for nouns and followed it, however, the publishers of the 1735 Bible decided to return to writing nouns with lowercase letters. The publishers of Bibles in the 19th, and even at the start of the 20th century used lowercase nouns. In other writings of the 19th century, writers avoided the unusual orthography of lowercased nouns. Geminate consonants were not frequently used in the writings of the 16th century, when they were not yet associated with the length of the syllable. They were borrowed from German orthography in the 17th century, and became more prevalent in writings of the 18th century, however, by the 19th century they began to be avoided. This research shows that this was a common tendency in orthographical development which is reflected in the orthography of both ecclesiastical and conventiclers' writings. As the number of native Lithuanian-speaking readers of Lithuanian books grew, marking the length of the syllable may have appeared as unnecessary, it was avoided, and in certain texts it was completely eliminated. In ecclesiastical writings, morphological forms and stress were marked rather precisely.The acute, circumflex and grave were marked according to the rules of accentography that were established in the 17th-18th centuries. These rules dictated the placement of marks depending on their position within the word itself. At the end of words, morphological forms were marked (for example, the genitive plural -û was always marked regardless of where the stress fell); in the root of the word only the long, stressed vowels which indicated where the stress in the word fell were marked; and in diphthongs the falling tone was marked. Nasal vowels were already denazalized at the start of the 19th century, and instead became long vowels, which is why a letter with an ogonek at the end of a word became a marker of morphological forms, while in the root of the word - it became a relict of historical orthography. For the first conventicler translators, diacritical marks seemed unnecessary. For example, in the 1807 book, only the prefix or preposition į was marked with an ogonek, and other diacritical marks were not used. Later, they tried to follow the norms of traditional orthography more closely, however these were not always correctly interpreted. For example, in ecclesiastical writings, mistakes regarding letters with ogoneks make up around 2.5 - 3.5%, while in the books of 1826 intended for home worshipers, such errors total over 10%. In the books of 1864 letters with ogoneks were used without any clear rules and seemed to be arranged as decorations to whichever ending. [...]. [Extract, p. 230-231]

ISBN:
9786094112584
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Updated:
2021-02-02 19:06:16
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