The Ending-stressed word-forms of the Baltic and Slavic mobile paradigms

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LTReikšminiai žodžiai: Baltų kalbos; Baltų prokalbė; Baltų-slavų prokalbė; Kirčiavimas; Kirčiuotė; Mobilioji kirčio paradigma; Mobiliosios paradigmos; Slavų kalbos; Slavų prokalbė; Tematinis kirtis; Accent paradigm; Accentuation; Baltic languages; Mobile accent paradigm; Mobile paradigms; Proto-Baltic; Proto-Balto-Slavic; Proto-Slavic; Slavic langues; Thematic stress.

ENAs I have tried to show in the present survey, there is reason to believe that Baltic and Slavic accentual mobility does not, as Stang, Dybo and others maintain, imply marginal stress, i.e. root stress alternating with final stress. The stress alternation in the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigms was rather one between wordforms with root stress (or, better, “phonologically unstressed” word-forms, cf. fn. 2) and word-forms with thematic stress. The finally stressed forms that appear in Lithuanian and Slavic (as the i-stem instr. pl. Lith. žv2rimìs, Russ. GJH9Kú) have arisen from thematically stressed forms as a result of Saussure’s law and Dybo’s law respectively. Some forms (e.g. the Lithuanian >-stem instr. pl. galvomìs) owe their accentuation to analogy with the corresponding forms of other stem classes (e.g. i-stem žvėrimìs, u-stem s0numìs). The thematic stress of Lithuanian dative plurals of the type langáms, žvėrìms, s0nùms – an unexpected accentuation if we assume final stress of these forms in Balto-Slavic – turns out to be regular: since Saussure’s law does not apply here, the stress remains where it was from the beginning. The same holds good for accentuations of the type CSl. *golvami where the stress fell on an acute syllable and accordingly was not advanced by Dybo’s law. [Extract, p. 415]