LTStraipsnyje analizuojami įstatymai reglamentuojantys Respublikos Prezidento, Seimo narių, Ministro Pirmininko, ministrų bei teisėjų teisinę neliečiamybę. Respublikos Prezidentas turi ypatingas asmens neliečiamumo garantijas, o kaip vėliau matysime, jo imunitetas platesnis nei Seimo nario. Svarstomos teisinės neliečiamybės panaikinimo galimybės Seimo nariams, Minisrui Pirmininkui, ministrams, teisėjams. Straipsnyje pateiktas mokslinis tyrimas rengtas atsižvelgiant į Lietuvos Respublikos nacionalinės kovos su korupcija 2011-2014 metų programą. Šios programos numatytų priemonių tikslas: „nustatyti veiksmingesnį atsakomybės už korupcinio pobūdžio teisės pažeidimus įgyvendinimo mechanizmą ir užtikrinti atsakomybės neišvengiamumo principo taikymą”. Laukiamo rezultato kriterijai yra tokie: atlikta analizė ir parengtas teisės akto projektas, kuriuo sumažinamos galimybės asmenims, turintiems teisinę neliečiamybę, išvengti baudžiamosios atsakomybės. Mokslo tyrimas buvo rengtas Teisės institute stažuotės metu, tyrimui konsultacijas teikė Teisės instituto Teisės sistemos tyrimo skyriaus tyrėjas Mindaugas Lankauskas. [Iš leidinio]Reikšminiai žodžiai: Apkaltos procesas; Imunitetas; Konstitucija; Konstitucinis teismas; Konstitucinė jurisprudencija; Teisinė neliečiamybė; Constitution; Constitutional court; Constitutional jurisprudence; Immunity; Impeachment process; Legal immunity.
ENThis article analyses the institute of legal immunity according to legislation of the Republic of Lithuania, the Constitutional Court jurisprudence and case law. This article aims to reveal the existing regulatory of the legal possibilities and instruments, which would reduce the possibility of legal immunity to persons avoiding criminal responsibility. Analysis covers President of the Republic, MPs, prime minister, ministers and judges at the most important aspects of legal immunity. The immunity of the President, during the period of the duty, is very broad. It encompasses not only criminal, but also administrative responsibility, arrest impossibility. However, this immunity is justified by the importance of the presidential office. Possibility to prosecute the President of the Republic would weaken the independence of the head of the country and render them dependent on the Parliament members. The immunity issue regulatory model of the members of Lithuanian Parliament, prime minister and other ministers, depends on how the immunity law is used. The Constitution provides that in order to prosecute one of these public officials requires the consent of Lithuanian Parliament and thus makes this process a lot more difficult. Lithuanian Parliament consent a criminal prosecution is still too important parliamentary independence guarantee to be refused. These guarantees may result in the absence of “uncomfortable” parliamentarians’ prosecution with law enforcement authorities. To narrow the members of Lithuanian Parliament, the Prime Minister or Ministers legal integrity, constitutional amendments would be inevitable. The judge’s legal immunity is also regulated in the constitution. The operational launch of an investigation on the judge behaviour could be made a criminal offense and can only be an operational entity of manager Attorney General’s consent.However, the immunity of judges is justified aiming to guarantee the independence of the judiciary, as outlined in article gaps in the current legal regulation is difficult to find, hence it is hardly possible to find a need for a change of this regulation. [From the publication]