LTReikšminiai žodžiai: Alofonai; Atvirieji balsiai; Balsis; Balsių kokybė; Baltarusių tarmės; Fonemų neutralizacija; Kokybė; Pelesos šnekta; Pietų aukštaičių tarmė; Spektras; A-type vowels; Allophones; Phonemic neutralization; Quality; Southern High Lithuanian dialect; Spectrum; Sub-dialect of Pelesa; Subdialect of Pelesa; Vowel; Vowel quality; White Russian dialects.
ENThe article analyses the differences between a-type vowels in Lithuanian when uttered in isolation and in phrasal context, using vowel measurements from the regional speech of Pelesa (in the Grodno district of Belarus). Here, as throughout the southern High Lithuanian territory (Lith. piet aukštaičiai) the phonemic opposition [a.] : [в.], [a] : [| is neutralized. From an observation of the spectrum of half-long vowels, one can conclude that these vowels are very similar in the phonetic sense as well; half-long [e.] may be heard as a back row vowel, before which an opposition of hard and soft consonants is possible. In such circumstances, under the influence of the White Russian dialect, there may arise preconditions for the shift [t, d —> c, j / -І<І\. A greater contrast, however, is to be found between isolated, short [a] : [e]. Independently of length, for allophones occurring within a phrase, a greater contrast is characteristic across the spectrum. The scatters of the fields [a.] I \e.\ and [n] / [e] do not coalesce, and it is therefore possible to examine positions such as post -r, -š. -č. where these vowels are not distinguishable to the ear. Statistical analysis shows that a difference does exist, at least as far as half-long variants are concerned. There is reason to believe that a qualitative distinction also exists between the short vowels [a] (after [/]) and [e]. [From the publication]