LTStraipsnyje analizuojamos gintaro įkapės vėlyvojo romėniškojo laikotarpio dviejų bendruomenių socialinių santykių kontekste. Remiamasi Kurmaičių ir Žvilių kapinynų vėlyvojo romėniškojo laikotarpio medžiaga, kurioje gausu gintarinių įkapių. Siekiant nustatyti kapų inventoriaus vertingumą kapinynuose bei remiantis gautais rezultatais išskirti įvairaus statuso palaidotus bendruomenės narius, darbe pritaikytas skandinavų mokslininko L. Jorgenseno (L Jorgensen) sukurtas ir aprašytas įkapių vertinimo balais metodas. Šis įkapių verčių skaičiavimo metodas parodė, kad kapas gali būti išskirtinis ne tik didesniu įkapių skaičiumi, bet ir jų tipais, medžiagomis, iš kurių įkapės pagamintos. Darbe atskleidžiamas pasirinkto metodo efektyvumas taikant jį skirtingo ištirtumo lygio kapinynams. Atlikus gintaro dirbinių analizę nustatyta, jog gintaras būdingas ne tik vaikų ir paauglių kapams, o netgi daug aukštesnio statuso suaugusiems. [Iš leidinio]Reikšminiai žodžiai: Akmenų vainikais kultūra; Archeologija; Gintaras; Kapų su; Romėniškas laikotarpis; Romėniškasis laikotarpis; Socialiniai santykiai; Amber; Archaeology; Culture; Grave inside a stone circle; Lithuania; Roman period; Social relations.
ENThe aim of this work is to check the effectiveness of methodology chosen to research social groups, focusing on archaeological material from two Roman period Lithuanian maritime burial sites and to review finds of amber ware in social groups of different regional communities. The Scandinavian scholar L. Jorgensen suggested a methodology which was oriented towards two different burial sites. Comparing them, we see that the number of graves investigated differs, but they can be linked to the area of Western Lithuanian stone circles culture and its periphery. The results enabled us to notice richer and poorer graves in both communities. Distinguishing three wealth groups is conditional because of asset inequality in these communities. The clearest position is that of the richest and poorest members of the communities. However, difficulties occur when defining the boundaries of intermediate groups. The method applied proved that the richest graves in the community did not belong only to adults. This fact enables us to think that a child or teenager inherited the status of a group or family (on its mother's or father's side). Not only the number of shrouds distinguishes wealth but also their specificity: unique ware, precious metals, imported goods. The things used in trade reveal exceptional social standing, viz. amber or glass wares in addition to coins, rare silver items or other pieces of jewellery decorated with silver. The score calculation method reveals that the rate of amber ware is not high (except in the case of amber pendants) in both communities.However, in the Kurmaiciai necropolis 100%, in Zviliai 86-87% amber wares were found in the richest persons' graves. Amber items alone cannot serve as indicators of social status; it is the correlation of amber pieces with other items in graves that enables us to connect amber with the richest persons of the highest status in communities. In the necropolis of Kurmaiciai amber wares were exceptionally adult women's decoration. In the necropolis of Zviliai amber wares were found in female and male graves (21 female graves, 22 - male graves). In graves of unknown gender (43) amber was found in eight graves (15% of amber shroud). In Zviliai, amber items were more numerous in adult graves (67-68%) than in those of children or teenagers (32-33%). This leads us to think that amber was typical of adult graves. Amber ware was used not only as a religious symbol or sign of status but also as decoration. Different amber traditions in the burial sites we have researched suggest differences in customs between communities. However, such differences could be caused by a poorer site research. Kurmaiciai data is scantier than this of Zviliai. [From the publication]