LT[...] Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami periodinių leidinių lietuvių, lenkų, hebrajų ir jidiš kalbomis steigimo sumanymai Vilniuje iki 1905 m. „Taisyklių“, kai vietinės aukščiausios administracijos siūlymai turėjo lemiamą reikšmę galutiniam Vidaus reikalų ministerijos sprendimui, o gubernatorių veiksmai riboti tautinių bendrijų leidybinę veiklą nebuvo suvaržyti įstatymine tvarka. Tyrimui pasitelkta archyvinė medžiaga – prašymai valdžios struktūroms leisti steigti periodinius leidinius ir su prašymais susiję Vilniaus generalgubernatoriaus, Vilniaus gubernatoriaus, iš dalies Kauno gubernatoriaus susirašinėjimai. Straipsnyje aiškinamasi, kas lėmė vieną ar kitą Vilniaus generalgubernatoriaus sprendimą, kiek periodinės spaudos klausimas atspindėjo tautinę politiką ir jos pokyčius vienos ar kitos etninės bendruomenės atžvilgiu. Šiame straipsnyje kiekvieno tautinio elito (žydų, lietuvių, lenkų) sumanymai steigti periodinius leidinius Vilniuje analizuojami atskirai, išvadose pateikiami svarstymai, kas lėmė vienus ar kitus vietinės aukščiausios valdžios veiksmus. Reikėtų pažymėti, kad pastaroji tyrimo problema istoriografijoje anksčiau netyrinėta, nors tautinių aktyvistų bandymai steigti periodinius leidinius XX a. pradžioje Vilniuje yra sulaukę dėmesio. [...]. [Iš straipsnio, p. 366]
ENWhen the Vilnius supreme local government considered the issue of the periodical press in Polish, Lithuanian, Yiddish, and Hebrew, it took into account the influence of the latter on public opinion. On several occasions, the Vilnius Governor-General’s office, when discussing the issue of periodicals, recalled the times of the 1863–1864 uprising, when the multilingual press, defined by its mass appeal and readership, played a strong activist role. The Vilnius Governor-General’s office sought to limit the publishing initiatives of all ethnic groups (except Russians). It therefore delayed the resolution of the issue, especially when it came to periodicals in Yiddish, Hebrew and Polish. The only exception to this, in terms of the publishing situation in 1903–1905, was the case of Vilnius News. After the uprising of 1863–1864, it was the first periodical in Vilnius to be published in a language other than Russian. Moreover, it was granted permission surprisingly quickly. There were several reasons that could have led to this decisions. It is not unreasonable to assume that the Vilnius Governor-General’s office had the intention of exploiting the press issue to increase and exacerbate conflicts between ethnic groups (primarily Lithuanians and Poles). The idea of the Lithuanian national movement as a counterbalance to the influence of the Poles is clearly expressed in the assessment of the candidacy of Kazimieras Prapuolenis. This is the only reference in bureaucratic correspondence (that is known so far). The idea of pitting Lithuanians against Poles by exploiting the press issue may have been expressed in private conversations.Especially since the person who was actively involved in the informal discussions on the suitability of editors for Lithuanian and Polish dailies was Andrei Stankevich, the head of the chancellery of the Vilnius Governor-General’s office, who was well aware of Piotr Sviatopolk-Mirsky’s views on the press issue and could have passed them on to Aleksandr fon Freze. However, there is another reason that is even more important. We would think that the actions of the Vilnius Governor-General’s may have been influenced more by the assessment of the level of hostility of ethnic groups to the Russian Empire. Of all the ethnic groups, Sviatopolk-Mirsky, although observing the rapidly developing Lithuanian national movement, did not doubt the loyalty of the Lithuanians to the imperial power. Nevertheless, despite these assessments, both Sviatopolk-Mirsky and then Freze limited the number of Lithuanian periodicals and sought to prevent active members of the Lithuanian national movement from controlling the printed word. The political loyalty of the editors of the Lithuanian dailies in Vilnius and Kaunas, Petras Vileišis and Antanas Daukša, was not questioned by the Vilnius Governor-General’s office. One of the main goals of the local administration was to try (successfully or not) to keep the shaping of public opinion in the hands of the local authorities, not only through censorship, but also through the use of appropriate persons, both from Lithuanian and Polish intellectual circles (the case of Hipolit Korwin-Milewski).The issue of the re-establishment of the Polish-language press was a clear indication that the Poles were seen by the Vilnius Governor-General’s office as a strong ethnic community, in some cases even a rival to the government in terms of influence over other groups in the society. However, it did not dare, as it did with the Jews, to completely prevent publishing initiatives in Vilnius. In the case of Polish periodical press, the Vilnius administration sought compromises. [From the publication]