LTTyrimas skirtas tarpukario lietuvių dešiniojo radikalizmo raidos analizei, aptariant jo genezę, apraiškas ir specifiką. Dėl to pasirinkta nauja, panašioms temoms nagrinėti dar netaikyta visuomeninio „vigilantizmo“ teorinė prieiga, per kurios prizmę pažvelgta į ankstyvojo ultranacionalizmo apraiškas kovose už valstybinės kalbos teises, jo suskaidymą ir pajungimą dešiniųjų politinių partijų tikslams, 1927–1930 m. veikusią „Geležinio vilko“ organizaciją bei vėlesnę jos transformaciją į voldemarininkų judėjimą, tautininkų režimo kovą su dešiniaisiais radikalais ir, galiausiai, voldemarininkų siekius ir vaidmenį Lietuvos valstybingumo saulėlydyje. Pagrindiniu darbo tikslu laikytas ne tik kompleksinis radikalaus dešiniojo judėjimo atskleidimas analizuojamu laikotarpiu, bet ir istoriografinių spragų užpildymas menkai žinomais ar nežinomais įvykiais bei procesais. Be to, atlikta nuodugni gausaus archyvinių dokumentų ir tuometės spaudos analizė leido kvestionuoti tarpukario oficialiai ir šiandieninėje istoriografijoje toliau vartojamus kai kurių įvykių ar asmenų vertinimus bei interpretacijas. [Anotacija knygoje]
ENThis study analyses the development of interwar Lithuanian right-wing radicalism, discussing its origins, transformation, main groups and personalities. The research has been carried out using a new theoretical approach of political “vigilantism”, as discussed by H. Jon Rosenbaum, Peter C. Sederberg and other political scientists. Through the examination of extensive archival sources and contemporary periodical press, the main aims of this investigation were not only to provide a comprehensive account of the interwar Lithuanian radical right movement, but also to complement the existing historiography with new or little-known facts, names and processes. Arguably, this allowed to present a somewhat different take on the history ofinterwar Lithuania, outline the evolution of the radical right, and at the same time raise questions regarding the contemporary official narratives on certain events that continue to be perpetuated in current historiography. The book is divided into four chronological parts. The first examines the emergence of the ultranationalist vigilante movement and presentsits specifics in the early 1920s. The second covers the period from 1927 to 1934, and gives an overview of the creation and activities of the Iron Wolf organisation, the subsequent formation of the followers of Augustinas Voldemaras - the Voldemarist movement, and an overview of its main constituent groups. The third part examines the methods used by authorities to suppress the Voldemarist opposition and gives two examples of expressions of right-wing radicalism in society in the mid-1930s. The fourth looks at the transformation of the Voldemarist movement into an independent political force and presents their role during the last years of Lithuanian statehood. The conclusions discuss several reasons that prevented the Lithuanian radical-right from evolving into a strong fascist movement or political party, which existed in many European countries at the time.The emergence of the Lithuanian radical right during the first years of independence can be considered as a logical continuation of the pre-WWI national awakening, i.e., practical implementation of the militant national ideology and myths that were created during that period. It is no surprise that the core of the first ultranationalist groups consisted of the nationally active younger generation: the veterans of the independence wars, students, pupils, members of the paramilitary Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union, the military, and others-those who successfully underwent complete or partial national indoctrination. Therefore, one of the main reasons for the emergence of the early ultranationalist movement was the discrepancy between the “ideal” (or “theoretical”) and the “real” visions of the new nation-state. The existence of a multi-ethnic society, remnants of the sociocultural imperial past that were slow to fade, a complicated post-WWI political, social and economic situation, the annexation of the Vilnius Region and other factors all created a strong negative emotional background, which forced the most nationally active individuals to organise into the first vigilante groups. Their main concern was the slowness of the creation and strengthening of the Lithuanian national state, especially for what they perceived as the Lithuanisation of the state bureaucracy and public spaces. After failing to achieve their demands in a legal manner, starting from early 1923 the vigilantes attempted to carry out “Lithuanisation” themselves, which peaked with the smearing of all non-Lithuanian public signs in Kaunas on 4 February 1923. Key to the development of the ultranationalist vigilante movement were the major right-wing political parties.Key to the development of the ultranationalist vigilante movement were the major right-wing political parties. The Christian Democrats, followed by the Tautininkai (the Nationalists), subordinated the radicalised youth to their political goals, thus creating conditions for the emergence of so-called “official vigilantism”, i. e., semi-legal and authority-controlled violence against political, religious or ethnic minorities, which was carried out by the vigilantes. In this way the Christian Democrat “dictatorship of the youth”, proclaimed at the end of January 1923, materialised in the rampage of the Lithuanian Fascist Executive Committee (Lietuvos Fašistų Vykdomasis Komitetas) during the elections to the Second (spring of 1923) and Third (spring of 1926) parliaments. Meanwhile, the Lithuanian National Defence Iron Wolf (Lietuvos Tautinė Apsauga “Geležinis Vilkas”), which was initially formed from members of the Neo-Lithuania Student Corporation, carried out much broader and more aggressive societal reconstruction - “wolfization” - during 1928-1929. The split of the Iron Wolf in September 1929 became the beginning of the so-called Voldemarist movement - the followers of Voldemaras. In the official rhetoric of the 1930s, the label “Voldemarist” was used to describe those individuals or groups that were considered to be the “nationalist opposition” to the Smetona regime. They did not have to be directly linked to the Voldemarist movement proper (as, for example, members of the Fighters for the Resurrection of the Lithuanian Nation, the Seinai Legion (Lietuvių Tautos Prisikėlimo Kovotojų Seinų Legionas) or the Utena gymnasium students who produced “Voldemarist-style” leaflets). From the political perspective, the Voldemarists represented a pro-fascist ideology, although members of their radicalwing - the activists - preferred calling themselves nationalists. [...]. [From the publication]